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Name: NRNP_6675_Week7_Assignment_Rubric

 

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 Excellent 90%–100%Good 80%–89%Fair 70%–79%Poor 0%–69%
In 2–3 pages, address the following:

• Explain the controversy that surrounds your selected personality or paraphilic disorder.

14 (14%) – 15 (15%)

The response includes an accurate and concise explanation of the controversy within the field related to the disorder.

12 (12%) – 13 (13%)

The response includes an accurate explanation of the controversy within the field related to the disorder.

11 (11%) – 11 (11%)

The response includes a somewhat vague or inaccurate explanation of the controversy within the field related to the disorder.

0 (0%) – 10 (10%)

The response includes a vague or inaccurate explanation of the controversy within the field related to the disorder. Or the response is missing.

• Explain your professional beliefs about your selected disorder, supporting your rationale with at least three scholarly references from the literature.23 (23%) – 25 (25%)

The response includes a thorough and well-organized explanation of the student’s professional beliefs about the disorder. Rationale demonstrates critical thinking and is strongly supported with three scholarly references.

20 (20%) – 22 (22%)

The response includes a well-organized explanation of the student’s professional beliefs about the disorder. Rationale is clear and appropriately supported with three scholarly references.

18 (18%) – 19 (19%)

The response includes a somewhat vague explanation of the student’s professional beliefs about the disorder. Rationale is somewhat unclear and references either provide weak support for the rationale or are not scholarly/current.

0 (0%) – 17 (17%)

The response includes a vague explanation of the student’s professional beliefs about the disorder. Rationale is unclear and references are inappropriate. Or the response is missing.

• Explain strategies for maintaining the therapeutic relationship with a client that may present with the disorder.27 (27%) – 30 (30%)

The response includes an accurate and concise explanation of strategies for maintaining the therapeutic relationship with a client that may present with the disorder.

24 (24%) – 26 (26%)

The response includes an accurate explanation of strategies for maintaining the therapeutic relationship with a client that may present with the disorder.

21 (21%) – 23 (23%)

The response includes a somewhat vague or incomplete explanation of strategies for maintaining the therapeutic relationship with a client that may present with the disorder.

0 (0%) – 20 (20%)

The response includes a vague or inaccurate explanation of strategies for maintaining the therapeutic relationship with a client that may present with the disorder. Or the response is missing.

• Finally, explain ethical and legal considerations related to the disorder that you need to bring to your practice and why they are important.14 (14%) – 15 (15%)

The response includes an accurate and concise explanation of ethical and legal considerations related to the disorder that are important to clinical practice and why they are important.

12 (12%) – 13 (13%)

The response includes an accurate explanation of ethical and legal considerations related to the disorder that are important to clinical practice and why they are important.

11 (11%) – 11 (11%)

The response includes a somewhat vague or incomplete explanation of ethical and legal considerations related to the disorder that are important to clinical practice and why they are important.

0 (0%) – 10 (10%)

The response includes a vague and inaccurate explanation of ethical and legal considerations related to the disorder that are important to clinical practice and why they are important. Or, response is missing.

Written Expression and Formatting – Paragraph Development and Organization:

Paragraphs make clear points that support well-developed ideas, flow logically, and demonstrate continuity of ideas. Sentences are carefully focused—neither long and rambling nor short and lacking substance. A clear and comprehensive purpose statement and introduction are provided that delineate all required criteria.

5 (5%) – 5 (5%)

Paragraphs and sentences follow writing standards for flow, continuity, and clarity. A clear and comprehensive purpose statement, introduction, and conclusion are provided that delineate all required criteria.

4 (4%) – 4 (4%)

Paragraphs and sentences follow writing standards for flow, continuity, and clarity 80% of the time. Purpose, introduction, and conclusion of the assignment are stated, yet they are brief and not descriptive.

3.5 (3.5%) – 3.5 (3.5%)

Paragraphs and sentences follow writing standards for flow, continuity, and clarity 60%–79% of the time. Purpose, introduction, and conclusion of the assignment are vague or off topic.

0 (0%) – 3 (3%)

Paragraphs and sentences follow writing standards for flow, continuity, and clarity < 60% of the time. No purpose statement, introduction, or conclusion were provided.

Written Expression and Formatting – English writing standards:

Correct grammar, mechanics, and proper punctuation

5 (5%) – 5 (5%)

Uses correct grammar, spelling, and punctuation with no errors

4 (4%) – 4 (4%)

Contains 1-2 grammar, spelling, and punctuation errors

3.5 (3.5%) – 3.5 (3.5%)

Contains 3-4 grammar, spelling, and punctuation errors

0 (0%) – 3 (3%)

Contains five or more grammar, spelling, and punctuation errors that interfere with the reader’s understanding

Written Expression and Formatting – The paper follows correct APA format for title page, headings, font, spacing, margins, indentations, page numbers, parenthetical/in-text citations, and reference list.5 (5%) – 5 (5%)

Uses correct APA format with no errors

4 (4%) – 4 (4%)

Contains 1-2 APA format errors

3.5 (3.5%) – 3.5 (3.5%)

Contains 3-4 APA format errors

0 (0%) – 3 (3%)

Contains five or more APA format errors

Total Points: 100

Name: NRNP_6675_Week7_Assignment_Rubric

Physician-Assisted Suicide

 

Physician-Assisted Suicide: Finding a Path Forward in a Changing Legal Environment Imagine yourself with a disease that has recently be- come terminal. What kinds of treatments and options would be most important to you?

Almost everyone would want to be sure their physicians had considered, if not tried, all potentially effective disease-directed therapy and best possible palliative treatments to max- imize their quantity and quality of life.

Many patients would want to consider a timely transition to hospice care if no acceptable disease-directed therapies ex- isted, hoping to live as fully as possible for their remain- ing time, and then to die peacefully. On these points we are completely in sync with the American College of Physicians (ACP) position paper (1).

We also know that most patients would want to know that they could refuse burdensome treatments that may keep them alive but with a low quality of life. (In fact, most patients die having forgone some poten- tially life-sustaining treatment.) A substantial minority of terminally ill patients also would want some assurances about their ability to access or potentially activate a physician-assisted suicide if their suffering becomes un- acceptable (2).

For many of these patients, the motiva- tion is to maintain control over the manner and timing of their own death (many have been making a series of very challenging decisions throughout their illness and see no reason not to stay in charge of the last phase). Others fear the potential of unacceptable physical suf- fering in the last phase of their illness, perhaps on the basis of experience.

Still others might find that the pro- longed debility and dependence that might occur dur- ing the dying process are unacceptable (3).

Knowledge about what “last-resort” options are available (4), as well as which options one’s own doctor can support, would be reassuring to these patients.

It would free their emotional energy for other psychoso- cial and spiritual matters potentially critical to this last phase of life, and most patients ultimately will not need a medically assisted death if they receive excellent end-

of-life care. However, even with the best possible palli- ative and hospice care, a small percentage of patients eventually will want direct assistance with dying now.

Carefully exploring the why now for such requests and redoubling efforts to palliate suffering are the next steps, followed by an exploration of legally available options for responding (2).

The legal landscape for patients who want to end their life now is rapidly changing in North America and western Europe (5). Both physician-assisted suicide and voluntary active euthanasia have been legal in the Netherlands, Belgium, and Luxembourg for many years, and both recently were legalized in Canada.

Physician-assisted suicide is now legal in 6 states and the District of Columbia (affecting one sixth of the U.S. population), whereas it remains either explicitly illegal or legally uncertain in the remaining states.

Most of the U.S. population favors legalization of physician-assisted death, although support decreases slightly when the word suicide is used in questionnaires (5). The medical profession’s views are decidedly mixed on the subject of legal access.

Most U.S. physi- cians would want access for themselves, but a smaller percentage would be willing to provide assistance to their patients (6). Positions of professional organiza- tions also vary on this subject.

For example, the ACP joins the American Medical Association in opposing the practice (1), whereas the American Academy of Hos- pice and Palliative Medicine has a neutral position, and the American Medical Student Association and the American Medical Women’s Association are in favor of legalization. How should individual physicians proceed when opinions are so deeply divided?

We clearly support the steps outlined in the ACP position statement with regard to “responding to pa- tient requests for assisted suicide” (1). However, if re- quests persist and the unacceptable suffering contin- ues, we believe all legally available last-resort options

This article was published at Annals.org on 19 September 2017.

Table 1. Last-Resort Options

Intervention Ethical Consensus Regarding Permissibility

Legal Status

Aggressive symptom management Widely accepted in North America and western Europe

Legally permitted

Stopping or not starting life-sustaining therapy Widely accepted in North America and western Europe

Legally permitted

Palliative sedation (potentially to unconsciousness) Consensus if death unintended; controversial otherwise

Probably permissible but never tested

Voluntarily stopping eating and drinking Some controversy, often depending on religious views

Probably permissible but never tested

Physician-assisted suicide Opinion about permissibility differs widely Legally permitted in 6 states and the District of Columbia; legality uncertain in most other states; legal in Canada

Voluntary active euthanasia Opinion about permissibility differs widely Illegal and likely to be prosecuted in the United States; legal in Canada

Annals of Internal Medicine EDITORIAL

© 2017 American College of Physicians 597

 

 

should be explored (Table 1). Clinicians should deter- mine in advance which options they can and cannot personally support (4). They should extend themselves, if possible, to respond to their patients’ needs and re- quests without violating their fundamental personal val- ues, regardless of the status of the law. If a patient de- sires a legally permitted option that the physician cannot support and common ground cannot be found, the patient should be given the opportunity to change physicians in a timely way so that access is allowed.

Given the rapidly changing legal environment with regard to physician-assisted suicide and voluntary ac- tive euthanasia, we are concerned that concluding a guideline by stating “physicians should not do this” is a problematic public health response. Even if one per- sonally disagrees with the behavior, studying it might tell us much about the state of end-of-life care and how it can be improved. The Remmelink studies from the Netherlands (5) and Oregon Health Department data (7) provide examples of collecting meaningful informa- tion in an attempt to understand and improve practice. The scale and diversity of a state like California and a country like Canada warrant similar studies. Table 2 gives examples of areas that should be examined as these large-scale implementation efforts are under way.

In addition, we worry that the ACP’s rigid opposi- tion will prevent physicians who will practice physician- assisted suicide from sharing ideas about better poli- cies and procedures. Given the diversity of opinions and the legality of the procedure for so many people, this response seems like a missed opportunity to edu- cate clinicians and learn about best practices.

We should continue to debate the ethical and moral implications of permitting or prohibiting poten-

tially life-ending medical practices. We need to support an environment that both redoubles our efforts to pro- vide palliative and hospice care to all seriously ill pa- tients and enhances our imperative to listen and re- spond to those who still feel they may need an escape from the last stages of this process. We currently have an opportunity to learn about this process on a larger scale with a more diverse population than ever before. Let’s make sure our processes and safeguards are as robust and responsive as possible, and let’s learn as much as we can so that these new laws help us serve our patients and families in the best way possible.

Timothy E. Quill, MD University of Rochester Medical Center Rochester, New York

Robert M. Arnold, MD University of Pittsburgh Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania

Stuart J. Youngner, MD Case Western Reserve University Cleveland, Ohio

Disclosures: Disclosures can be viewed at www.acponline.org /authors/icmje/ConflictOfInterestForms.do?msNum=M17-2160.

Requests for Single Reprints: Timothy E. Quill, MD, University of Rochester Medical Center, 601 Elmwood Avenue, Box 687, Rochester, NY 14642; e-mail, timothy_quill@urmc.rochester .edu.

Current author addresses are available at Annals.org.

Ann Intern Med. 2017;167:597-598. doi:10.7326/M17-2160

References 1. Snyder Sulmasy L, Mueller PS; Ethics, Professionalism and Human Rights Committee of the American College of Physicians. Ethics and the legalization of physician-assisted suicide: an American College of Physicians position paper. Ann Intern Med. 2017;167:576-8. doi:10 .7326/M17-0938 2. Quill TE. Doctor, I want to die. Will you help me? JAMA. 1993;270: 870-3. [PMID: 8340988] 3. Pearlman RA, Hsu C, Starks H, Back AL, Gordon JR, Bharucha AJ, et al. Motivations for physician-assisted suicide. J Gen Intern Med. 2005;20:234-9. [PMID: 15836526] 4. Quill TE, Lo B, Brock DW. Palliative options of last resort: a com- parison of voluntarily stopping eating and drinking, terminal seda- tion, physician-assisted suicide, and voluntary active euthanasia. JAMA. 1997;278:2099-104. [PMID: 9403426] 5. Emanuel EJ, Onwuteaka-Philipsen BD, Urwin JW, Cohen J. Atti- tudes and practices of euthanasia and physician-assisted suicide in the United States, Canada, and Europe. JAMA. 2016;316:79-90. [PMID: 27380345] doi:10.1001/jama.2016.8499 6. Meier DE, Emmons CA, Wallenstein S, Quill T, Morrison RS, Cassel CK. A national survey of physician-assisted suicide and euthanasia in the United States. N Engl J Med. 1998;338:1193-201. [PMID: 9554861] 7. Oregon Health Authority. Death with Dignity Act Annual Reports. 2017. Accessed at www.oregon.gov/oha/PH/PROVIDERPARTNER RESOURCES/EVALUATIONRESEARCH/DEATHWITHDIGNITYACT /Pages/ar-index.aspx on 18 August 2017.

Table 2. Representative Study Questions to Understand the Effect of Legalization of Physician-Assisted Suicide

Cases Numbers Diagnoses Second opinions Presence of palliative care and/or hospice

Requests Main reason Acceptance rates Refusal rates Hypothetical future vs. now

Second opinions Who provides Palliative care certification Acceptance vs. refusal rates

Practical aspects Change in primary treating physician Number of visits from initial request Documentation Actual methods

Long-term effect Family members Participating clinicians Participating consultants Hospice workers

EDITORIAL Physician-Assisted Suicide: A Path Forward in a Changing Legal Environment

598 Annals of Internal Medicine • Vol. 167 No. 8 • 17 October 2017 Annals.org

 

 

Current Author Addresses: Dr. Quill: University of Rochester Medical Center, 601 Elmwood Avenue, Box 687, Rochester, NY 14642. Dr. Arnold: 1232 North Highland Avenue, Pittsburgh, PA 15206. Dr. Youngner: Department of Bioethics, Case Western Re- serve University, 10900 Euclid Avenue, Cleveland, OH 44106.

Annals.org Annals of Internal Medicine • Vol. 167 No. 8 • 17 October 2017

 

 

Copyright © American College of Physicians 2017.

 

 

The Big Mac Index for a recent time period

Go to The Economist website and search for the Big Mac Index for a recent time period. Compare the Purchasing Power of the United  States with another country. Try to choose a country with which you are not very familiar.

What does this parity say about the potential standard of living in the country you chose? What does it say about the potential wage level?

2) Over several decades, some industries, such as textile and clothing,  which were once a significant part of the U.S. economy, have shifted manufacturing abroad. Using the idea of opportunity cost, provide an explanation of the reasoning behind this shift.

How has this shift affected economic well-being locally? How do the gains compare to the losses?

Exploring the world based upon different assumptions

This course will focus on four lenses, each with its own way of exploring the world based upon different assumptions and approaches. When we examine a specific technology that influenced a social, cultural, or global event through different lenses, it may alter the way we look at the technology.

The four general education interdisciplinary lenses are history, humanities, natural and applied sciences, and social science.

  • History is the study of the past and its connection to the present. It encompasses content, memories, and events situated in time.
  • Humanities is the study of cultures’ creative expression and contemplates metaphor, experience, and meaning.
  • Natural and applied sciences study the material world grounded in the scientific method.
  • Social sciences study human relationships and social structures grounded in demographic and statistic measurements.

When we look at an event in our lives, we often jump between different frameworks to make sense of it.

For instance, if we attend a music concert, we might move from an artistic lens (How did they create the musical score?) to a technical lens (How does all the lighting work?) to a financial lens (How much money do the performers earn?). Similarly, looking through the general education interdisciplinary lenses can help us see things from other perspectives by giving us a conscious way to analyze them, helping to broaden our perspective.

This assignment prepares you to choose a topic and lens for your project by first applying all four lenses. Before completing this activity, review the Project Guidelines and Rubric to know exactly what you will be working on. You may still change your choice of topic until the next module.

Directions

As part of your project, you will describe a social, cultural, or global event where a technology plays a significant role.

For this activity, you will write a short paper on the specific technology of your choice.

Choose a specific technology that influenced a social, cultural, or global event that you are interested in. Your selection could be something that you have personally experienced or that you are interested in knowing more about.

Review the module resources and visit the IDS 403 Library Guide for guidance on how to select and narrow a topic. After selecting your topic, do some preliminary research to make sure you can address the required elements of your project.

In your paper, you must apply each lens to your event by using its language and perspectives. You are not required to answer each question below the rubric criteria, but you may use them to better understand the criteria and guide your thinking and writing.

Specifically, you must address the following rubric criteria:

  1. Describe your existing knowledge about the specific technology that influenced a social, cultural, and global event.
    1. You might describe your personal experience with the technology, what you learned in school, or what your assumptions are about the technology. Ask, what do I know (or think I know)?
  2. Apply the history lens to your technology.
    1. Using the language of history as it is defined in your resources, and as it is used in academic journals, how would you write about your technology? What events and dates have occurred that are important to your technology? Has the significance of the technology diminished or shifted with time? Who are the authors of the historical record(s) related to your technology?
  3. Apply the humanities lens to your technology.
    1. Using the language of the humanities as it is defined in your resources, and as it is used in academic journals, how would you write about your technology?
    2. What meaning does your technology have within cultures? How do people express themselves regarding your technology? What are people’s lived experiences with your technology?
  4. Apply the natural and applied sciences lens to your technology.
    1. Using the language of the natural and applied sciences as it is defined in your resources, and as it is used in academic journals, how would you write about your technology?
    2. How might the scientific method be used to examine some aspect of your technology? How might your technology relate to the physical or material world? Are there any challenges to viewing your technology objectively?
  5. Apply the social science lens to your technology.
    1. Using the language of the social sciences as it is defined in your resources, and as it is used in academic journals, how would you write about your technology?
    2. Who is affected by your technology? How might your technology affect interpersonal relationships? What social structures and systems relate to your technology?

What to Submit

Submit your activity as a 1- to 2-page Microsoft Word document with double spacing, 12-point Times New Roman font, and one-inch margins. If sources are used, they should be cited according to APA style. Consult the Shapiro Library APA Style Guide for more information on citations.

Medical Information Systems

Medical Information Systems. At a local college, the officers of the student community service organization, which collects and buys food and distributes it to people in need—are having their February meeting.
Sitting in the meeting room are Beth Smith, the organization’s president, and two officers: Rosemary Olsen, vice president, and Steve Andrews, volunteer coordinator.
Beth announces, “Our funds are almost exhausted. The demands on the food bank have been increasing. We need to figure out how to get more funds.”
“We need to have a fund-raising project,” responds Rosemary.
Steve suggests, “Can’t we ask the city government if they can increase their allocation of funds to us?”
“They’re strained. They may even cut our allocation next year,” replies Beth.
“How much do we need to get us through this year?” asks Rosemary.
“About $10,000,” answers Beth, “and we are going to start needing that money in about two months.”
“We need a lot of things besides money. We need more volunteers, more space for storage, and more food donations,” says Steve.
“Well, I guess we can make that all part of the fund-raising project. This is going to be fun!” says Rosemary excitedly.
“This project is growing.
We’ll never get it done in time,” Beth says.
Rosemary responds, “We’ll figure it out and get it done. We always do.”
“Is a project what we need? What are we going to do next year—another project?” asks Steve. “Besides, we’re having a hard time getting volunteers anyway. Maybe we need to think about how we can operate with less money.
For example, how can we get more food donations on a regular basis so we won’t have to buy as much food?”
Rosemary jumps in. “Great idea! You can work on that while we also try to raise funds. We can’t leave any stone unturned.”
“Time out,” says Beth. “These are all very good ideas, but we have limited funds and volunteers and growing demand.
We need to do something now to make sure we don’t have to close our doors in two months.
I think we all agree we need to undertake some type of initiative. But I’m not sure we all agree on the objective.”
CASE QUESTIONS (write a minimum of 1-2 sentences or 100 words per answer)
1. What are the needs that have been identified in this case study?
2. What is the project objective?
3. What assumptions, if any, should be made regarding the project to be undertaken?
4. What are the risks involved in the project?

A Price tag on each good 

Michael Sandel agrees with many economists that the market does not affect the goods it exchanges and that it only puts a price tag on each good.

True

False

Question 2

According to Elizabeth Anderson, the problem of commodifying women’s labor in commercial surrogacy can be solved by giving the surrogate mother the option of keeping the child.

True

False

Question 3

According to Robert Arrington, the advertising technique, subliminal advertising always undermines the audience’s autonomy.

True

False

Question 4

According to Kant, using another person as your means can be permissible if doing so yields better outcome for that person.

True

False

Question 5

Which of these arguments is valid?

1.If Chip has wings, Chip is a bird. Chip doesn’t have wings. So, Chip is not a bird.
2.Chip is not a cat. All cats meow. So, Chip does not meow.
3.If Chip is a bird, Chip meows. Chip doesn’t meow. So, Chip is not a bird.
4.All birds have wings. Chip has wings. So, Chip is a bird.

Question 6

According to Corvino, in each scenario, the business owner is making a specific type of refusal to their customer. What is the scenario in which the business owner is making a user-based refusal?

Jill, the florist, refuses to sell any bouquets with purple flowers.
James, the limousine driver, refuses service for customers who are attending a heterosexual couple’s wedding.
Jane, the baker, refuses to sell christmas-themed cakes.
Jim, the hair designer, refuses to bleach any customer’s hair.

Question 7

What is true about Cultural Relativism?

Cultural Relativism always promotes cultural tolerance.
The main thesis of Cultural Relativism cannot be true if there are universal moral truths.
Cultural Relativism is capable of explaining how our society makes moral progress.
The fact that many cultures have different moral codes supports the truth of Cultural Relativism.

Question 8

# [Short answer question] Answer with two sentences.

Q. Name two solutions to online manipulation that Susser, Roessler, and Nissenbaum propose.

Question 9

[Short answer question] Answer with two sentences.

Q. Explain two attractive features of Utilitarianism

Question 10

[Short answer question]

Q. In “Business Ethics: Oxymoron or Good Business?”, Ronald Duska explains Cicero’s two kinds of justice and how each kind of justice gives rise to a specific type of fairness. Name two difference types of fairness that two kinds of justice promote respectively.

Question 11

[Short answer question] Answer with two sentences.

Q. According to Ian Maitland, there are some downsides of multi-national companies paying “living wage” to their sweatshop workers. Name two different downsides that he mentions.

Question 12

# Answer with 120-200 words essay.

Q. Kimbrough presents a Utilitarian argument to defend bullshitting in advertising. How does Andrew Johnson criticize this Utilitarian argument? (Your answer should specify exactly what premise Johnson rejects and why.)

Question 13

# Answer with 120-200 words essay.

Q. In the Masterpiece Cakeshop case, the baker, Jack Phillips argues that if it is morally okay for him to not sell Halloween cakes to the customers, it should be morally okay for him to not sell a wedding cake that will be used to celebrate same-sex marriage. Explain how John Corvino criticizes Phillips’ argument.

Question 14

# Answer with 120-200 words essay. (One longer essay with answers for both questions or two shorter essays for each question.)

Q. According to Denis Arnold and Laura Hartman, (a) what are two basic human rights that should be protected for sweatshop workers? And according to Arnold and Hartman, (b) what can multi-national companies do to protect these two basic human rights for sweatshop workers?

Explain King’s Conceptual System Theory

 

Addressing each of the following points: Discuss and explain King’s Conceptual System Theory. Be sure to completely answer all the questions for each bullet point. Separate each section in your paper with a clear heading that allows your professor to know which bullet you are addressing in that section of your paper.

Support your ideas with at least two (2) outside sources and the textbook using citations in

your essay. Make sure to cite using the writing style for the essay. The cover page and reference page do not count towards the minimum word amount. Review the rubric criteria for

this assignment.

• Discuss and explain King’s Conceptual System Theory.

• First explain the 3 systems and provide examples of each system

• Explain how the systems influence goal attainment

• How could King’s theory help define a clinical quality problem?

Apply this theory to a potential practice quality improvement initiative within your clinical practice.

• How could a quality committee align outcomes with King’s Conceptual System Theory?

What additional nursing theory from our readings could also align with an improved quality of practice initiative?

 

the textbook is not available, please use the outside sources

 

The Opioid Crisis

 

OTHER PAIN (A KAYE AND N VADIVELU, SECTION EDITORS). The Opioid Crisis: a Comprehensive Overview

Nalini Vadivelu1 & Alice M. Kai2 & Vijay Kodumudi3 & Julie Sramcik1 & Alan D. Kaye4

Published online: 23 February 2018 # Springer Science+Business Media, LLC, part of Springer Nature 2018

Abstract Purpose of Review The opioid crisis most likely is the most profound public health crisis our nation has faced. In 2015 alone, 52,000 people died of drug overdoses, with over 30,000 of those people dying from opioid drugs. A recent community forum led by the Cleveland Clinic contrasted this yearly death rate with the loss of 58,000 American lives in 4 years of the Vietnam War. The present review describes the origins of this opioid epidemic and provides context for our present circumstances.

Recent Findings Alarmingly, the overwhelming majority of opioid abusers begin their addiction with prescription medications, primarily for chronic pain. Chronic postoperative pain, which occurs in 10–50% of surgical patients, is a major concern in many types of surgery.

Nationwide, the medical community has made it a priority to ensure that postsurgical analgesia is sufficient to control pain without increasing non-medically appropriate opioid use. Summary The opioid epidemic remains a significant pressing issue and will not resolve easily.

Numerous factors, including the inappropriate prescription of opioids, lack of understanding of the potential adverse effects of long-term therapy, opioid misuse, abuse, and dependence, have contributed to the current crisis.

Keywords Opioids . Overdose deaths . Pain . Health policy

Introduction

The opioid crisis in the USA has been worsening at an alarming rate and has grown into a major concern in the realm of health policy, health care guidelines, and management. Between 1999 and 2014, the reported drug overdose deaths increased by almost 3-fold [1•]. In 2014, of the 47,055 report- ed drug overdose deaths in the USA, 60.9% were opioid-

related [2]. The following year, nationwide drug overdose deaths were reported at 52,404, of which 63.1% were opioid-related [1•]. In an attempt to develop methods to man- age and prevent the opioid crisis, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) [1•] investigated the overall drug overdose deaths over a 5-year span from 2010 to 2015, as well as the opioid-related overdose death rates from 2014 to 2015 by subgroups including semisynthetic/natural opioids, heroin, methadone, and synthetic opioids other than metha- done.

The CDC found that although progress has been made in the prevention of methadone deaths (rate decline of 9.1%), the rates of other opioid-related deaths, especially non- methadone synthetic opioids and heroin, increased signifi- cantly across the country. The rates of methadone-related deaths have been declining since 2008 as a result of efforts to decrease utilization of methadone for pain, including limits on high-dose formulations, Food and Drug Administration warnings, and clinical guidelines [3].

The increase in the death rates of non-methadone-related deaths is likely attributed mostly by the illegally manufactured fentanyl [4, 5]. Thus, the CDC has called for the pressing need of a collaborative, multifaceted law enforcement and public health approach.

This article is part of the Topical Collection on Other Pain

* Nalini Vadivelu nalini.vadivelu@yale.edu

1 Department of Anesthesiology, Yale University, TMP3 333, Cedar Street, New Haven, CT 06520, USA

2 Department of Internal Medicine, NYU Winthrop Hospital, 259 First Street, Mineola, NY 11501, USA

3 Medical Student, University of Connecticut School of Medicine, 263 Farmington Avenue, Farmington, CT 06030-1905, USA

4 Department of Anesthesiology, Louisiana State University Health Sciences Center, 1542 Tulane Ave, Suite 656, New Orleans, LA 70112, USA

Current Pain and Headache Reports (2018) 22: 16 https://doi.org/10.1007/s11916-018-0670-z

 

 

The Progression of the Epidemic

An important point of consideration is to appreciate what has fueled the opioid epidemic and how it has developed into such a widespread crisis. Historically, in the nineteenth century, there was no form of regulation of cocaine and opioids in the USA. These drugs were prescribed and marketed as for the treatment of a myriad of conditions ranging from diarrhea to toothaches [6].

It was not until the Harrison Narcotics Tax Act was passed in 1914 that the manufacturing, distributing, and importing of cocaine and opium started to become regu- lated [6]. Further, since addiction at this time was not recog- nized as a disease, physicians who provided prescription maintenance stock of these drugs to addicted patients were by law incarcerated or lost their licenses [7].

Illegalization of addiction, in part, eventually led to inadequate treatment of pain states.

Weiner et al. [8] have identified three driving forces that have contributed to the evolution of opioid use: treatment of pain as a human right; pharmaceutical companies; and the response to the undertreatment of pain.

The first driving force is the existing moral duty for physicians to relieve suffering and to manage pain. The paper cites the Declaration of Montreal, which asserts that the access to pain treatment is a fundamental human right [9].

The second driving force identified is the heavy influence of the pharmaceutical industry on the prescription of opioids. Pharma has started to assertively market the utilization of opi- oids for non-cancer pain [10, 11], and the sales of opioids have skyrocketed accordingly. For instance, Purdue Pharma, the manufacturer of Oxycontin, expended $200 million promot- ing the drug in 2001, which resulted in an increase in the prescription of Oxycontin by almost 10-fold to nearly 6.2 million annual prescriptions the following year [12].

Purdue Pharma aggressively mobilized marketing techniques in the form of organizing 20,000 pain “education” programs and 40 all-expenses-paid conferences for 5000 health care providers. Free-starter coupons and branded promotional products for patients were offered, and the company targeted physicians who prescribe large amounts of opioids with sales representa- tives who were incentivized by a bonus system.

Furthermore, Purdue Pharma also distorted the risk of addiction associated with Oxycontin in its supplies to physicians and patients. Ultimately, the executives and manufacturer were fined $634 million on the grounds of misbranding [12].

Furthermore, dis- tribution of morphine milligram equivalents per person in- creased from 96 to 700 between the years of 1997 to 2007, an upsurge of greater than 600% [13]. In 2013, a drug study based on workers’ compensation prescription drugs found that narcotics make up 25% of all paid prescription costs and that 45% of the narcotic costs were for drugs containing oxyco- done HCl [14]. In 2011, Oxycontin made up 25.5% of all prescribed narcotics and ranked no. 1 in the top 20 drug list

based on total claims paid. Other substances that also ranked as a top 20 agent included Percocet at no. 20, oxycodone-HCl at no. 15, oxycodone HCL-acetaminophen at no. 13, and hydrocodone-acetaminophen at no. 5 [6].

The third driving force was identified as the recent trend in the more aggressive management of pain secondary to the observed undertreatment of pain, designated “oligoanalgesia.” As a consequence of findings of significant discrepancies in pain treatment in ethnic and racial minorities [15–17] and age [18], the American Pain Society pronounced “pain as the fifth vital sign” and promoted the assessment of pain at each clin- ical assessment [19], further advocating the widespread use of opioids. In 2000, the Joint Commission accepted pain as the fifth vital sign as a standard [20].

Gradually, the indication for opioid use expanded from that of cancer and palliative care to patients with non-cancer pain, and opioids became synony- mous with pain management. This was the beginning of the opioid crisis which has seen a quadrupling of prescriptions and associated overdose deaths that now affects the entire nation.

Another significant contributor to the current drug epidem- ic is recent postoperative pain management practices. Related to their potency, opioids have been a main drug in the acute postoperative pain management setting.

Typically lengthy and high dose prescriptions were routinely provided to patients, even though acute pain typically lasts less than a week. Over a period of weeks to months, suppression of endogenous opioid production results in dependents on these opioid medications and addiction.

Nationwide, the medical community has made it a priority to ensure that postsurgical analgesia is sufficient to control pain. As an example, orthopedic and other extremity trauma is extremely common with reconstruction and rehabilitation from these injuries being both prolonged and painful. Despite the opportunity to provide multimodal strategies such as ul- trasound guided local anesthetic nerve blocks and catheters to help manage postsurgery-related acute pain, it is more likely that the patient will only receive a large dose of opioid med- ication from his orthopedic surgeon.

Alarmingly, the majority of opioid abusers begin their addiction with prescription med- ications, and as a result, many states have created limits in dosing interval and quantity for acute pain management.

In fact, opioids are commonly continued under the context of management of postoperative pain and often only stopped with obvious adverse life-threatening side effects being iden- tified or when there is hampering of the recovery process and negative affect to the patient.

In order to improve the treatment options of postoperative pain management, alternate routes and drugs have been iden- tified, including the development of adjunctive medications such as gabapentinoid agents to reduce the need for high doses of pain medicine postoperatively. This has resulted in decreas- ing amounts of opioids and consequent reduced side effects,

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resulting in lower analgesic dosages with shorter durations of dosing and a lower likelihood of contribution to long-term opioid dependence. The recent reforms in many states that have limited the number of opioid prescriptions in both quan- tity and in days post surgery in the setting of acute pain man- agement are excellent practical strategies in combating certain aspects of our opioid epidemic at present.

Education of prescribers has been discussed at many na- tional and state-led meetings as something that should be on a regular basis and mandatory. It should be noted that the two most common opioid prescriber groups in the USA are family practice and internal medicine physicians.

The increase in options for postsurgical pain management ironically has contributed to the mismanagement of opioids by unwittingly exposing patients to opioid formulations at more potent dosages, and in greater quantities.

Clarke et al. [6] propose that because prescriptions of these newer formula- tions were prescribed under the inaccurate assumption that opioids administered for patients with acute pain are associat- ed with minimal risk for misuse, abuse, or addiction, patients were often discharged from the surgical center or hospital without adequate education regarding risks.

In fact, two thirds of patients who are abusing opioids are taking medication that was not prescribed to them, but are the unused pills of another patient’s prescription [6]. Rodgers et al. [21] found that 245/ 250 patients who underwent upper extremity surgery were prescribed postsurgical opioids for pain management. Patients were typically prescribed 30 tablets, although patients took an average of 10 pills and reported a surplus of 19 pills, with a total of 4639 excess tablets in the study. This creates a large pool of opioids that can potentially be used by the patient later or by someone it was not prescribed for [22•].

Populations Impacted

The breadth of patients who have become addicted to opioids following the opioid epidemic has expanded across numerous demographics and socioeconomic populations [23]. In the 1960s, greater than 80% of the patients enrolling in opioid abuse treatment programs were males living in urban, inner- city regions who abused heroin [24].

Contrastingly, in 2010, the majority of patients who were enrolling in these programs were middle-class women from rural or less urban regions, of which 90% were Caucasian [24]. Currently, the USA makes up less than 5% of the world’s population all the while making up more than 80% of the world’s consumption of opioid pain analgesics [25].

Among those affected by this opioid epidemic include the veteran population in the USA. A study conducted on patients of the Veterans Health Administration from 2001 to 2009 demonstrated a comparable increase in levels of opioid over- doses between the general population and the population of

the health system [26]. Furthermore, veterans from Afghanistan and Iraq suffering from mental health disorders, particularly posttraumatic stress disorder, have been associat- ed with a greater risk of being prescribed opioids, high-risk opioid use, and adverse clinical outcomes [27].

Children who participate competitively in sports are also a group that is at especially high risk of opioid misuse. Adolescents contending for sports scholarships regularly suf- fer from injuries that necessitate surgeries and physical reha- bilitation. Opioids are often given prophylactically to facilitate rapid return to sports practice [6].

A longitudinal study by Veliz et al. [28] found that compared to adolescents who were not involved in sports, adolescents involved in organized sports were two times more likely to be prescribed an opioid, at greater risk for medical misuse of an opioid with the inten- tion of getting high by 4-fold, and at greater risk for medical misuse of an opioid by 10-fold. In this regard, in a recent FDA Advisory Board meeting in 2016 that focused on pain in chil- dren under the age 18, it was referenced that approximately 85% of adolescents obtained opioids from unknowing family members who have not secured their own prescribed medications.

The rise in prescription opioid abuse has also contributed to the increase in the use and overdose in heroin [29]. Since 2010, the rate of reported heroin use and heroin-related over- dose deaths has increased by more than 3-fold, partially due to the increase in the affordability and availability of heroin [2].

The Cost and Effect of Long-Term Opioid Use

Part of the opioid crisis can be attributed to the poor manage- ment with which oncologists, primary care physicians, den- tists, surgeons, and emergency room physicians direct opioid therapy in regards to continuing prescriptions in opioid- dependent patients, and starting opioid therapy in patients who are opioid-naïve.

Despite the acute analgesic efficacy in taking opioids, nu- merous harmful effects have been associated with its admin- istration. These effects are mostly dose-dependent and are well documented in the literature. The unfavorable effects include addiction, abuse, overdose, hyperalgesia, cardiovas- cular events, hormonal changes, fracture, potential for propa- gation of infection and cancer progression through suppres- sion of natural killer cells, incidence of pneumonia, and death [30•].

Higher doses of opioids are associated with a greater incidence of ileus postoperatively. Administering opioids to patients with ileus is associated with increased costs, prolonged hospital stays, and greater readmissions [31]. Opioid-associated adverse events have significantly impacted health care costs.

One retrospective analysis of 320,000 sur- geries found that 12.2% of patients with opioid-related ad- verse drug events had prolonged hospital stays (7.6 vs.

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4.2 days) and greater costs ($22,000 vs. $17,000) relative to patients without opioid-related adverse drug events [32]. Another retrospective study found that patients with reported opioid-related adverse drug events had 36% increased risk 30- day readmission, 55% prolonged hospitalization, increased risk of inpatient mortality by 3.4-fold, and 47% increased cost of care compared to patients who did not report opioid-related adverse drug events [33].

Furthermore, the efficacy of long-term opioid use is not well studied in non-cancer pain. In most chronic pain condi- tions, there is limited to no clear evidence that opioids are significantly effective. Despite this lack in evidence, many health providers continue to prescribe opioids. Krashin et al. [34] discuss the potential factors that pressure health providers to continue this practice.

They propose that as a result of the increasing number of clinics and physicians who refuse to prescribe opioids for non-cancer pain, the burden on other providers to prescribe those who seek pain relief has in- creased.

To complicate these matters, many patients on chron- ic opioids are “inherited” patients who were initially pre- scribed opioids by providers who have since either left the practice or retired. Krashin et al. [34] also point out that the majority of providers were once largely unaware of the addic- tive properties of opioids, and the potential harm in continuing chronic opioid therapy.

Studies have shown that patients on opioid therapy that is continued for 90 days or more are more likely to stay on chronic opioid therapy for years [35]. Clinics and providers have been shut down by authorities for inappro- priate prescribing of opioids, leaving hundreds to thousands of patients on chronic opioid therapy without someone to pre- scribe them opioids [34].

Pregnancy and Opioid Use Disorder

The prevalence of opioid-using women of reproductive age has climbed drastically high in the USA. From 2008 and 2012, a mean of 27.7% privately insured and 39.4% of Medicaid- insured women of childbearing age (between 15 and 44) filled an outpatient opioid prescription annually, with greater num- bers reported among non-Hispanic white women and in the South [36]. Furthermore, in an assessment of over one million patients receiving Medicaid, one in five (21.6%) pregnant patients filled an opioid prescription, and 2.5% were pre- scribed an opioid prescription for more than 30 days [37].

This surge in the prescription of opioids to pregnant patients has caused a significant increase in the number of women that require treatment for opioid abuse. Between 1992 and 2012, the number of pregnant patients admitted to facilities for sub- stance abuse treatment that reported a history of prescription opioid abuse increased from 2 to 28% [38].

Alongside the increasing rates of opioid use in pregnancy, there has been a rise in adverse neonatal outcomes including

neonatal abstinence syndrome. Relative to opioid-naïve neo- nates, those with neonatal abstinence syndrome are more like- ly to be white and have feeding difficulty, lower birth weights, respiratory complications, and seizures [39]. Between 2000 and 2012, the prevalence of neonates diagnosed with neonatal abstinence syndrome increased by almost 5-fold [39, 40].

States with the greatest rates of opioid prescriptions have the greatest rates of neonatal abstinence syndrome [40]. By 2012, on average, for every 30 min, there was one neonate born having drug withdrawal in the USA, which is responsible for an approximated health care cost of $1.5 billion [40].

In efforts to combat the adverse effects that the opioid ep- idemic has caused on pregnant women and neonates, there has been a need to improve the accessibility and availability to medication-assisted treatment for pregnant women.

Although the judicial and state legislative focuses on crimi- nalizing pregnant women with opioid use disorder, there has been little to expand the programs available for treatment [29]. Substance abuse treatment programs specifically catered to- wards treating women during pregnancy are only available in 19 states, and only 12 states provide pregnant women priority access to state-sponsored programs [29]. These barriers to treatment accessibility further worsen the health care issue.

In February 2015, the “Prenatal Drug Use and Newborn Health” report was released by the Government Accountability Office, which pointed out the deficiency of federal programs and research allocated to neonates with neo- natal abstinence syndrome and pregnant women struggling with opioid use disorder [29].

In response to the report, The Protecting Our Infants Act of 2015 was signed by President Obama in November 2015, which guides the Department of Health and Human Services to manage a review of programs that organize services for neonates with neonatal abstinence syndrome and pregnant women with opioid use disorder, de- vise plans to decrease the research gap, offer technical aid to states collecting data, and develop prevention guidelines [29].

Policy Changes and Trends

The former Surgeon General, Dr. Vivek Murthy, wrote a per- spective letter titled “Ending the Opioid Epidemic—A Call to Action” [41•] detailing the steps that have been taken to com- bat the opioid crisis.

The Department of Health and Human Services has invested millions of dollars to fund treatment programs and prescription-drug monitoring programs, in- crease naloxone accessibility, and develop guidelines for opi- oid prescribers to optimize care.

However, Murthy also stress- es the need to continue supporting measures to combat the opioid epidemic. He implores physicians to utilize prescription-drug monitoring programs and hone their pre- scription practices in order to decrease the risk of opioid abuse and the rate of overdoses. Additionally, he encourages

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clinicians to consider alternatives such as non-opioid pain management wherever possible. Accessibility to affordable alternatives remains a challenge, and Murthy emphasizes that this initiative will require the cooperation of numerous orga- nizations, including academia, the pharmaceutical industry, government, and payers. Murthy also points out that although the Mental Health Parity and Addiction Equity Act of 2008 was a major accomplishment in providing equal treatment by insurance plans of substance use disorders and other medical conditions, there is still a need to focus on the mental health of patients with these conditions [41•].

In addition to devising health policy initiatives, there is a need to develop curricula, enrich the education community, and develop guidelines so that health care providers can opti- mize the delivery and practice of opioid pain management.

Conclusion

The opioid epidemic is one that remains a pressing issue that will not resolve easily. Numerous factors, including the inap- propriate prescription of opioids, lack of understanding of the potential adverse effects of long-term therapy, opioid misuse, abuse, and dependence, have contributed to the current crisis.

Targeting this issue will require collaborative efforts from nu- merous organizations, from health care providers, legislators, physicians, educators, pharmaceutical companies, and the public.

Compliance with Ethical Standards

Conflict of Interest Nalini Vadivelu, Alice M. Kai, Vijay Kodumudi, and Julie Sramcik declare no conflict of interest. Dr. Kaye is a speaker for Depomed, Inc., and Merck, Inc.

Human and Animal Rights and Informed Consent This article does not contain any studies with human or animal subjects performed by any of the authors.

References

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2. Rudd RA, Aleshire N, Zibbell JE, Matthew Gladden R. Increases in drug and opioid overdose deaths—United States, 2000–2014. Am J Transplant. 2016;16(4):1323–7. https://doi.org/10.1111/ajt.13776.

3. Jones CM. Trends in methadone distribution for pain treatment, methadone diversion, and overdose deaths—United States, 2002– 2014. MMWR Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report. 2016;65.

4. Gladden RM. Fentanyl law enforcement submissions and increases in synthetic opioid–involved overdose deaths—27 states, 2013– 2014. MMWR Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report. 2016;65.

5. Peterson AB. Increases in fentanyl-related overdose deaths— Florida and Ohio, 2013–2015. MMWR Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report. 2016;65.

6. Clarke JL, Skoufalos A, Scranton R. The American opioid epidem- ic: population health implications and potential solutions. Report from the National Stakeholder Panel. Popul Health Manag. 2016;19(S1):S-1–S-10.

7. Policy SLoD. Harrison Narcotics Tax Act, 1914 [May 14, 2017]. Available from: http://www.druglibrary.org/schaffer/history/e1910/ harrisonact.htm.

8. Weiner SG, Malek SK, Price CN. The opioid crisis and its conse- quences. Transplantation. 2017;101(4):678–81. https://doi.org/10. 1097/TP.0000000000001671.

9. Declaration of Montreal 2010. (2017). Available from: http://www. iasp-pain.org/DeclarationofMontreal?

10. Meier B. Pain killer: A” wonder” drug’s trail of addiction and death: Rodale; 2003.

11. Portenoy RK, Foley KM. Chronic use of opioid analgesics in non- malignant pain: report of 38 cases. Pain. 1986;25(2):171–86. https://doi.org/10.1016/0304-3959(86)90091-6.

12. Van Zee A. The promotion and marketing of oxycontin: commer- cial triumph, public health tragedy. Am J Public Health. 2009;99(2): 221–7. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2007.131714.

13. Control CfD, Prevention. CDC grand rounds: prescription drug overdoses—a US epidemic. MMWR Morb Mortal Wkly Rep. 2012;61(1):10.

14. Lipton B CD, Robertson J. Workers Compensation prescription drug study: 2013 update. September 2013 [May 14, 2017]. Available from: https://www.ncci.com/Articles/Documents/II_ Prescription_Drugs-2013.pdf.

15. Anderson KO, Green CR, Payne R. Racial and ethnic disparities in pain: causes and consequences of unequal care. J Pain. 2009;10(12):1187–204. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jpain.2009.10. 002.

16. Cintron A, Morrison RS. Pain and ethnicity in the United States: a systematic review. J Palliat Med. 2006;9(6):1454–73. https://doi. org/10.1089/jpm.2006.9.1454.

17. Meghani SH, Byun E, Gallagher RM. Time to take stock: a meta- analysis and systematic review of analgesic treatment disparities for pain in the United States. Pain Med. 2012;13(2):150–74. https://doi. org/10.1111/j.1526-4637.2011.01310.x.

18. Hwang U, Belland LK, Handel DA, Yadav K, Heard K, Rivera- Reyes L, et al. Is all pain is treated equally? A multicenter evalua- tion of acute pain care by age. Pain. 2014;155(12):2568–74. https:// doi.org/10.1016/j.pain.2014.09.017.

19. Society AP. Principles of analgesic use in the treatment of acute pain and cancer pain: American Pain Society; 1999.

20. Frasco PE, Sprung J, Trentman TL. The impact of the joint com- mission for accreditation of healthcare organizations pain initiative on perioperative opiate consumption and recovery room length of stay. Anesth Analg. 2005;100(1):162–8. https://doi.org/10.1213/ 01.ANE.0000139354.26208.1C.

21. Rodgers J, Cunningham K, Fitzgerald K, Finnerty E. Opioid con- sumption following outpatient upper extremity surgery. J Hand Surg. 2012;37(4):645–50. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jhsa.2012.01. 035.

22.• Macintyre P, Huxtable C, Flint S, Dobbin M. Costs and conse- quences: a review of discharge opioid prescribing for ongoing man- agement of acute pain. Anaesth Intensive Care. 2014;42(5):558– 74. The consequences of opioid pain regimens for pain therapy.

23. Martin PR, Finlayson AR. Opioid use disorder during pregnancy in Tennessee: expediency vs. science. Am J Drug Alcohol Abuse.

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2015;41(5):367–70. https://doi.org/10.3109/00952990.2015. 1047502.

24. Cicero TJ, Ellis MS, Surratt HL, Kurtz SP. The changing face of heroin use in the United States: a retrospective analysis of the past 50 years. JAMA Psychiatry. 2014;71(7):821–6. https://doi.org/10. 1001/jamapsychiatry.2014.366.

25. Manchikanti L, Singh A. Therapeutic opioids: a ten-year perspec- tive on the complexities and complications of the escalating use, abuse, and nonmedical use of opioids. Pain Physician. 2008;11(2 Suppl):S63–88.

26. Bohnert AS, Ilgen MA, Trafton JA, Kerns RD, Eisenberg A, Ganoczy D, et al. Trends and regional variation in opioid overdose mortality among Veterans Health Administration patients, fiscal year 2001 to 2009. Clin J Pain. 2014;30(7):605–12. https://doi. org/10.1097/AJP.0000000000000011.

27. Seal KH, Shi Y, Cohen G, Cohen BE, Maguen S, Krebs EE, et al. Association of mental health disorders with prescription opioids and high-risk opioid use in US veterans of Iraq and Afghanistan. JAMA. 2012;307(9):940–7. https://doi.org/10.1001/jama.2012. 234.

28. Veliz P, Epstein-Ngo QM, Meier E, Ross-Durow PL, McCabe SE, Boyd CJ. Painfully obvious: a longitudinal examination of medical use and misuse of opioid medication among adolescent sports par- ticipants. J Adolesc Health. 2014;54(3):333–40. https://doi.org/10. 1016/j.jadohealth.2013.09.002.

29. Krans EE, Patrick SW. Opioid use disorder in pregnancy: health policy and practice in the midst of an epidemic. Obstet Gynecol. 2016;128(1):4–10. https://doi.org/10.1097/AOG. 0000000000001446.

30.• Psaty BM, Merrill JO. Addressing the opioid epidemic—opportu- nities in the postmarketing setting. N Engl J Med. 2017;2017(376): 1502–4. A review of the evolvement of the public policy sur- rounding opioid use and how it has shaped pain management.

31. Gan TJ, Robinson SB, Oderda GM, Scranton R, Pepin J, Ramamoorthy S. Impact of postsurgical opioid use and ileus on economic outcomes in gastrointestinal surgeries. Curr Med Res Opin. 2015;31(4):677–86. https://doi.org/10.1185/03007995. 2015.1005833.

32. Oderda GM, Gan TJ, Johnson BH, Robinson SB. Effect of opioid- related adverse events on outcomes in selected surgical patients. J

Pain Palliat Care Pharmacother. 2013;27(1):62–70. https://doi.org/ 10.3109/15360288.2012.751956.

33. Kessler ER, Shah M, Gruschkus KS, Raju A. Cost and quality implications of opioid-based postsurgical pain control using admin- istrative claims data from a large health system: opioid-related ad- verse events and their impact on clinical and economic outcomes. Pharmacother J Hum Pharmacol Drug Ther. 2013;33(4):383–91. https://doi.org/10.1002/phar.1223.

34. Krashin D, Murinova N, Sullivan M. Challenges to treatment of chronic pain and addiction during the “opioid crisis”. Curr Pain Headache Rep. 2016;20(12):65. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11916- 016-0596-2.

35. Martin BC, Fan M-Y, Edlund MJ, DeVries A, Braden JB, Sullivan MD. Long-term chronic opioid therapy discontinuation rates from the TROUP study. J Gen Intern Med. 2011;26(12):1450–7. https:// doi.org/10.1007/s11606-011-1771-0.

36. Ailes EC, Dawson AL, Lind JN, Gilboa SM, Frey MT, Broussard CS, et al. Opioid prescription claims among women of reproductive age—United States, 2008-2012. MMWR Morb Mortal Wkly Rep. 2015;64(2):37–41.

37. Desai RJ, Hernandez-Diaz S, Bateman BT, Huybrechts KF. Increase in prescription opioid use during pregnancy among Medicaid-enrolled women. Obstet Gynecol. 2014;123(5):997– 1002. https://doi.org/10.1097/AOG.0000000000000208.

38. Martin CE, Longinaker N, Terplan M. Recent trends in treatment admissions for prescription opioid abuse during pregnancy. J Subst Abus Treat. 2015;48(1):37–42. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jsat.2014. 07.007.

39. Patrick SW, Dudley J, Martin PR, Harrell FE, Warren MD, Hartmann KE, et al. Prescription opioid epidemic and infant out- comes. Pediatrics. 2015;135(5):842–50. https://doi.org/10.1542/ peds.2014-3299.

40. Patrick SW, Davis MM, Lehmann CU, Cooper WO. Increasing incidence and geographic distribution of neonatal abstinence syn- drome: United States 2009 to 2012. J Perinatol. 2015;35(8):650–5. https://doi.org/10.1038/jp.2015.36.

41.• Murthy VH. Ending the opioid epidemic—a call to action. N Engl J Med. 2016;375(25):2413–5. https://doi.org/10.1056/ NEJMp1612578. An appeal by the Office of the Surgeon General to the medical community to aid in America’s escalating opioid epidemic.

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Current Pain & Headache Reports is a copyright of Springer, 2018. All Rights Reserved.

 

  • The Opioid Crisis: a Comprehensive Overview
    • Abstract
    • Abstract
    • Abstract
    • Abstract
    • Introduction
    • The Progression of the Epidemic
    • Populations Impacted
    • The Cost and Effect of Long-Term Opioid Use
    • Pregnancy and Opioid Use Disorder
    • Policy Changes and Trends
    • Conclusion
    • References
      • Papers of particular interest, published recently, have been highlighted as: • Of importance

 

2 2 Things Come Apart

 

2 Things Come Apart. BY ITS END, much of the optimism of the twentieth century had faded. Towns and cities in the heartland of America that used to produce steel, glass, furniture, or shoes, and that are fondly remembered by people in their seventies as having been great places to grow up, had been gutted, their factories closed and shops boarded up.

In the wreckage, the temptations of alcohol and drugs lured many to their deaths. Most of these stories are never told. Stigma often removes the cause of death from obituaries when suicide, overdose, or alcoholism is involved. Addiction is seen as a moral weakness, not a disease, and it is believed that its effects are best covered up.

Exceptions are made when a famous chef kills himself or a music icon overdoses on fentanyl, or when the death is shocking to the community—for example, as reported by Congresswoman Ann McLane Kuster, “in a little town called Keene New Hampshire. There’s not a quieter place on this earth, and a beloved high school teacher, mother of three children, died of a heroin overdose.”1 Each story is real and tragic, but it needs to be considered in perspective.

When we look at the numbers, all the numbers, we see an even bigger, more frightening, and tragic story. The events that reach the media are selected for their news value, celebrities get attention, and the firsthand accounts of addiction or attempted suicide often come from those who are accustomed to writing about their experiences.

Spectacular and unusual deaths—upper-class suicides and drug deaths—are exhaustively reported; those of ordinary people rarely make headlines, although they too leave behind devastated families and friends. Today’s events are news; long-term trends are yesterday’s news, which usually means not news at all.

Deaths from lung cancer, heart disease, or diabetes are not news in and of themselves—lung cancer is not like Ebola or AIDS, though it takes many more lives—and we find out about them only incidentally when we read obituaries. Without the numbers to make comparisons, we don’t know whether we are looking at an event, like a plane crash or a terrorist attack, where the deaths are few but shocking and

 

 

newsworthy, or an epidemic, like Ebola or SARS, which terrified many but killed few, or whether we are dealing with something much larger, something that actually threatens the public health and upends a century of progress in human health.

All deaths in the US are reported to the authorities, and the information is assembled by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) in Atlanta.

When someone dies, a great deal of information is collected on the death certificate, including, for the last thirty years, the highest level of education attained. The CDC has a website, charmingly called CDC Wonder, where much of this information is readily available.

The death certificates themselves, with confidential information (such as name and social security number) removed, can also be downloaded and examined. It is with these data that we begin.

They are every bit as distressing as the stories.

American Exceptionalism, Breaking with the Past, and Leaving the Herd: The Facts

We saw in the previous chapter that the mortality rate for midlife whites in the US was 1,500 per 100,000 in 1900, and that by 2000 it had fallen to 400 per 100,000. We now follow this group into the twenty-first century.

We can also look at other countries around the world that, like the United States, are rich in terms of income per head and that share and implement the scientific and medical knowledge that is common across such countries.

Those countries showed rapid declines in midlife mortality after 1945, and as in the US, the decline was particularly rapid after 1970. In almost all wealthy countries, mortality rates for those aged forty-five to fifty-four declined at an average rate of 2 percent per year from the late 1970s to 2000.

 

 

FIGURE 2.1. Age-adjusted mortality rates, ages 45–54, for US white non-Hispanics (USW), France, the United Kingdom, and Sweden, and a predicted mortality rate for USW, a counterfactual that assumes the mortality rate for USW would continue falling at 2 percent per year after 1998. Authors’ calculations using

CDC data and the Human Mortality Database.

Figure 2.1 shows what happened. We call this the “things come apart” picture. Midlife mortality continued to decline in France, Britain, and Sweden; other rich countries, not shown, display similar progress. An entirely different pattern emerged for US white non-Hispanic Americans.

Not only did whites not keep pace with mortality declines in other countries, but mortality for them stopped falling altogether and began to rise.

The future that we might have predicted for white Americans in midlife,2 based on what had happened in the twentieth century, is shown here by the thick dotted line. Over time, white mortality pulled markedly away from what was seen in other wealthy countries, and what we might have predicted its path to be.

Something important, awful, and unexpected is happening. But is it just white men and women in middle age, or are other age-groups affected too?

Is it men more than women, or women more than men? And what about other groups?

Is it focused in one part of the country, or much the same everywhere? And, above all, why is it happening? As we shall see, the alcohol, suicide, and opioid epidemics are an essential part of the story, but we need to discuss a few other

 

 

issues before we get there. In chapter 1, when we showed falling midlife mortality through the twentieth

century, we noted that other age-groups also benefited. But the reversal in figure 2.1 is not universally shared. As we shall see, while there have been similar changes in mortality trends for younger age-groups, mortality among the elderly continued to fall as it had done at the end of the twentieth century.

We shall explore this a good deal further as we go, and we shall see that the reversal has begun to affect the youngest elderly too.

In figure 2.1 we switched from all whites to non-Hispanic whites, a narrower category for which data did not exist for most of the twentieth century.

Hispanics, who are much poorer on average than non-Hispanics, have lower mortality rates than non-Hispanics, and their progress kept pace with that in other countries; their mortality rates look like those for Britain over this period. African Americans have higher mortality rates than any of the groups or countries shown in the picture, but their rate of mortality decline has been faster than for any of the groups or countries shown here.

The midlife gap between US black and white mortality fell dramatically between 1990 and 2015, after which point the decline in midlife black mortality also came to an end, likely linked to opioids, as we shall see.

The story of racial differences in mortality is an important one, and we shall later argue that the differences between black and white mortality rates can be reconciled once we look carefully at the history. The differences have less to do with what than with when.

These differences in mortality by race and ethnicity are far from fully understood, but they have existed for many years.

For African Americans, there is widespread agreement that the worse outcomes, like so many other important outcomes, are tied to long-standing discrimination, as well as to poorer access to high-quality medical care.3 The superior longevity of Hispanics over non- Hispanic whites has been much researched but not fully explained.

It is worth noting that other groups, such as Asian Americans, do better still, better than either Hispanics or whites. As to the recent trends, which have been so different across the three main groups, we will return to them repeatedly throughout the book, though we should confess from the start that we shall find much that is not easy to explain.

Figure 2.1 is drawn for men and women together, which is always potentially misleading. Women have lower mortality rates than men throughout life, and so they live longer, about five years longer in the US.

Men and women suffer from different diseases, and to different extents from the same diseases and behaviors: men, for example, are three to four times more likely than women to kill

 

 

themselves. But the turnaround—from continual progress in the twentieth century to stalled progress, or even regression, in the twenty-first—has happened to both men and women in midlife, though the reversal is somewhat larger for women than men.

Even so, the gaps between whites in the US and other countries and between US whites and what we might have expected are large for both men and women, so that the figure does not mislead by taking men and women together.4

One measure of the importance of the white mortality reversal is to compare what actually happened with the trend shown by the dotted line.

The gap between the two lines shows the difference in mortality rates in each year, from which we can calculate for each year how many people aged forty-five to fifty- four died who would have been alive had late twentieth-century progress continued.

When we add up those numbers from 1999, the critical point where the turnaround began, to 2017, we get a very large total: 600,000 deaths of midlife Americans who would be alive if progress had gone on as expected. One immediate point of reference is the approximately 675,000

Americans who have died from HIV/AIDS since the beginning of the epidemic in the early 1980s. We shall refine our estimate as we go, extend it to other age-groups, and attribute it to specific causes, but it will serve for now as a ballpark estimate of what is involved, and to establish that what we are dealing with is indeed a major catastrophe.

Another measure of importance is to look at what has been happening to life expectancy at birth. Because life expectancy is more sensitive to deaths at younger ages, only large changes in midlife mortality can affect it. For whites, life expectancy at birth fell by one-tenth of a year between 2013 and 2014.

In the next three years, between 2014 and 2015, 2015 and 2016, and again between 2016 and 2017, life expectancy fell for the US population as a whole. These declines reflect mortality at all ages, not just in midlife, but are, in fact, heavily influenced by what has been happening to whites in midlife. Any decline in life expectancy is extremely uncommon. With a three-year decline, we are in unfamiliar territory;

American life expectancy has never fallen for three years in a row since states’ vital registration coverage was completed in 1933.5 For the subset of states that had registration of deaths before then, the only precedent is a century ago, from 1915 through 1918, during the First World War and the influenza epidemic that followed it. Catastrophes indeed.

The Geography of Mortality If we are to begin to understand why these deaths are happening, we can first

 

 

look for clues on where the deaths are happening. If we look across states at the changes in mortality rates for whites aged forty-five to fifty-four from 1999 to 2017, we find the increases in all but six states, with the largest increases in death rates in West Virginia, Kentucky, Arkansas, and Mississippi, all states with education levels lower than the national average.

The only states where midlife white mortality fell by a noticeable amount were California, New York, New Jersey, and Illinois, all states with high levels of education.

A more detailed geography is shown in figure 2.2, where mortality rates for midlife whites are presented for about a thousand small areas across the United States in 2000 on the left and in 2016 on the right. These small areas are counties or, if the population of a county is small, a collection of adjacent counties.

Darker areas indicate higher mortality, so the maps show high mortality in the West (except California), Appalachia, and the South in 2000, intensifying and spreading by 2016 into new areas, such as Maine, upper Michigan, and parts of Texas.

We will refer back to the patterns in these maps throughout the book.

 

 

FIGURE 2.2. All-cause mortality rates, white non-Hispanics ages 45–54, by small area. Authors’ calculations using CDC data.

Carrying Their Troubles with Them: Age versus Cohort Effects Figure 2.1 compares death rates across countries for one specific age-group, those aged forty-five to fifty-four, but our concerns do not end there.

White mortality progress has reversed throughout adulthood, in contrast to what is happening in the rest of the rich world. We highlight the midlife group, those aged forty-five to fifty-four. But, as we will see, rising mortality is not simply a

 

 

baby-boomer phenomenon. For US whites, the hurdles at younger ages have also been raised.

The future of today’s midlife adults is also in question. Will those in midlife “age out” of the mortality crisis if they survive? Or will they carry their troubles with them as they age, so that tomorrow’s elderly will suffer like today’s middle aged?

Elderly Americans receive benefits, such as healthcare from Medicare and pensions from Social Security, that are not available to those in middle age so that, if these benefits are good for health, there is an argument for the positive alternative.

But if the midlife deaths are happening to people born around 1950 because of the conditions under which they have lived their lives, or because of the way they have chosen to live their lives, there can be no expectation that they will do better as they age.

Unfortunately, recent data are more consistent with the second, more negative outcome. The midlife increase in mortality has now begun to affect the elderly, as the birth cohorts born after the Second World War begin to move into old age.

The all-cause mortality rate for whites ages sixty- five to seventy-four fell on average 2 percent per year between the early 1990s and 2012; since 2012, their mortality has stopped falling.

Social scientists often try to isolate two different phenomena.

On the one hand, there may be “age” effects, when an outcome is tied to age, and on the other hand, “cohort” effects, when outcomes are attached to people born around the same time and are carried with them as they age.

Cohort and age effects are not, of course, mutually exclusive, nor do they exhaust all of the possibilities. We will argue for (a version of) the cohort interpretation, which is, unfortunately, the more pessimistic of the two accounts. There is something about these people that makes them susceptible and that they carry with them through life.

Discovering the nature of that something is our task in the rest of this book.

There are two stories, often seen as competing, though they need not be. One, the “external” or circumstantial account, emphasizes what happened to people, the opportunities that they had, the kind of education, occupation, or social environment that was available to them.

The alternative, “internal” account emphasizes what people did to themselves, not their opportunities but their choices among those opportunities, or their own preferences. It is a debate between worsening opportunities, on the one hand, and worsening preferences, or declining values or even virtues, on the other.

Before we can take the story further, we have to return to our midlife Americans in the early twenty-first century and find out more about the causes of their deaths. Not surprisingly, suicide, opioids, and alcoholism feature in the story, but they are by no means the only players.

 

 

Imprisoned for Armed Heroin distribution

 I’d spent almost a year listening to police and prosecutors describe Jones, imprisoned for armed heroin distribution, as a predator. After three months of requests, I walked along the manicured entranceway of Hazelton Federal Correctional Institution on the outskirts of Bruceton Mills, West Virginia.

The air was so thick that the flags framing the concrete-block structure hung there drooping, as still as the razor wire that scalloped the roofs.

In the state’s northeastern crook, bordering Pennsylvania to the north and Maryland to the east, Preston County had once been dominated by strip-mining.

But by the mid-2000s, most of the mines had shut down, and the prison had taken over as the county’s largest employer, with eight hundred guards and staff.

My August 2016 interview had taken several weeks to arrange with the Bureau of Prisons pecking order in Washington, D.C., but first I had to navigate weeks of curt back-and-forth with Jones, over the prison’s monitored email, to get his OK.

“Exactly who have you spoken to as of today that was involved with my case?” he wanted to know. What personal information about him did I intend

 

 

to use? Jones agreed to let me visit, finally, because he wanted his daughters, in

kindergarten and first grade when their dad was arrested in June 2013, to understand “there’s a different side of me,” as he put it.

The last they’d seen him, a week before his arrest, he had delivered birthday cupcakes to their school.

I thought of the “tsunami of misery” Jones had first unleashed in Woodstock, Virginia, as his prosecutor put it, before it fanned out in waves over the northwestern region of the state and into some of Washington’s western bedroom communities in 2012 and 2013.

In just a few months’ time, Jones was presiding over the largest heroin ring in the region, transforming a handful of users into hundreds.

As I made my way to the prison, I calculated the human toll, the hundreds of addicted people who ended up dopesick when their heroin supply was suddenly cut by Jones’s arrest: throwing up and sweating and shitting their pants.

When Jones was jailed in 2013, many of the newly addicted Woodstock users began carpooling to the nearest big cities—Baltimore, Washington, and even Martinsburg, West Virginia, aka Little Baltimore—to score drugs, converging on known heroin hot spots and playing drug-dealer Russian roulette.

I didn’t yet know that a single batch of heroin was about to land in Huntington, West Virginia, four hours west of Jones’s cell, that would halt the breathing of twenty-six people in a single day, before the week was out.

Those overdoses were fueled by the latest synthetic opioid, carfentanil, imported from China with a stroke on a computer keyboard. Carfentanil is an elephant sedative one hundred times stronger than fentanyl, which is twenty-five to fifty times stronger than heroin.

For the fifth year in a row, the state of West Virginia’s indigent burial-assistance program was about to exhaust its funds from interring opioid-overdose victims.

Similar surges were happening across the country, from Florida to Sacramento to Barre, Vermont.

Every person I interviewed that summer, from treatment providers to parents of the addicted to the judges who were sending the addicted to prison or jail, was growing more burdened by the day.

The enormity of America’s drug problem was finally dawning on them and on the rest of us—two decades after the opioid epidemic first took root.

(Although the word “opiate” historically refers to drugs derived from the opium poppy and “opioid” to chemical versions, the now more widely accepted term “opioid” is used in this book for both forms of painkillers.)

Drug overdose had already taken the lives of 300,000 Americans over the past fifteen years, and experts now predicted that 300,000 more would die in only the next five.

It is now the leading cause of death for Americans under the

 

 

age of fifty, killing more people than guns or car accidents, at a rate higher than the HIV epidemic at its peak.

The rate of casualties is so unprecedented that it’s almost impossible to look at the total number dead—and at the doctors and mothers and teachers and foster parents who survive them—and not wonder why the nation’s response has been so slow in coming and so impotently executed when it finally did.

Ronnie Jones had run one of the largest drug rings in the mid-Atlantic United States, a region with some of the highest overdose rates in the nation. But I wasn’t driving to West Virginia for epidemiological insights or even a narrative of redemption from Jones.

I’d been dispatched to prison by a specific grieving mother, clutching a portrait of her nineteen-year-old son. I wanted to understand the death of Jesse Bolstridge, a robust high school football player barely old enough to grow a patchy beard on his chin.

What exactly, his mother wanted to know, had led to the death of her only son?

I’d been trying to address that same question for more than five years, in one form or another, for several mothers I knew. But now I had someone I could ask.

Three months before visiting Jones, in the spring of 2016, Kristi Fernandez and I stood next to Jesse’s grave on a rolling hillside in Strasburg, Virginia, in the shadow of Signal Knob. She’d asked me to meet her at one of her regular cemetery stops, on her way home from work, so I could see how she’d positioned his marker, just so, at the edge of the graveyard.

It was possible to stand at Jesse’s headstone—emblazoned with the foot-high number 55, in the same font as the lettering on his Strasburg Rams varsity jersey —and look down on the stadium where he had once summoned the crowd to its feet simply by running onto the field and pumping his arms.

In a small town where football is as central to identity as the nearby Civil War battlefields dotting the foothills of the Blue Ridge, Jesse loved nothing more than making the hometown crowd roar.

He had always craved movement, the choke on his internal engine revving long after his peers had mastered their own. As a toddler, he staunchly refused to nap, succumbing to sleep on the floor midplay, an action figure in one hand and a toy car in the other.

This restlessness was part of the epidemic’s story, too, I would later learn. So were the drugs Jesse’s high school buddies pilfered from their parents’ and grandparents’ medicine cabinets—the kind of leftovers that pile up after knee-replacement surgery or a blown back.

 

 

Jesse had been a ladies’ man, the boy next door, a jokester who began most of his sentences with the word “Dude.” When he left his house on foot, the neighbors did a double take, marveling at the trail of cats shadowing him as he walked.

Kristi pointed out the cat’s paw she had engraved at the base of Jesse’s headstone, right next to the phrase MISS YOU MORE, a family shorthand they had the habit of using whenever they talked by phone.

“I miss you,” she’d say. “Miss you more,” he’d tell her. “Miss you more,” she’d answer. And on and on. Kristi takes pride in the way the family maintains Jesse’s grave, switching out

the holiday decorations, adding kitschy trinkets, wiping away the rain-splashed mud. “It’s the brightest one here,” his younger twin sisters like to say as they sweep away the errant grass clippings.

When I pulled into the cemetery for our first meeting, Kristi had taken it as an omen that my license plate included Jesse’s number, 55. She’s always looking for signs from Jesse—a glint of sun shining through the clouds, a Mother’s Day brunch receipt for $64.55. To her, my license plate number meant our meeting was Jesse-sanctioned and Jesse-approved.

Kristi used to think that maintaining Jesse’s grave was “the last thing we can do for him,” she told me, choking back tears. But right now she’s obsessed with the story of her son’s swift descent into addiction—the missing details that might explain how Jesse went from being a high school football hunk and burly construction worker to a heroin-overdose statistic, slumped on someone else’s bathroom floor. If she understood the progression of his addiction better, she reasons, maybe she could help other parents protect their kids from stumbling down that same path.

“I just want to be able to say, ‘This is what happened to Jesse,’ so I can be educated, so I can help others,” Kristi says. “But in my mind, the story doesn’t add up, and it drives me crazy.”

Maybe a mother’s questions about a child’s death can never be totally answered, and yet Kristi’s pain sits there between us, no less urgent today than it felt on the day he died. To comprehend how she was left with these questions— and how our country came to this moment—I needed to widen the scope of my investigation both in geography and in time.

I would fold in questions from other mothers, too, who wanted to understand why their addicted sons were imprisoned now instead of in treatment; why their addicted daughters were still out on the streets, God only knew where.

 

 

When a new drug sweeps the country, it historically starts in the big cities and gradually spreads to the hinterlands, as in the cases of cocaine and crack. But the opioid epidemic began in exactly the opposite manner, grabbing a toehold in isolated Appalachia, Midwestern rust belt counties, and rural Maine. Working- class families who were traditionally dependent on jobs in high-risk industries to pay their bills—coal mining in southwest Virginia, steel milling in western Pennsylvania, logging in Maine—weren’t just the first to experience the epidemic of drug overdose; they also happened to live in politically unimportant places, hollows and towns and fishing villages where the treatment options were likely to be hours from home.

Jesse Bolstridge was born in the mid-1990s, when opioid addiction first took root. His short life represents the arc of the epidemic’s toll, the apex of which is nowhere close to being reached.

If I could retrace the epidemic as it shape-shifted across the spine of the Appalachians, roughly paralleling Interstate 81 as it fanned out from the coalfields and crept north up the Shenandoah Valley, I could understand how prescription pill and heroin abuse was allowed to fester, moving quietly and stealthily across this country, cloaked in stigma and shame.

Set in three culturally distinct communities that represent the evolution of the epidemic as I reported it, Dopesick begins in the coalfields, in the hamlet of St. Charles, Virginia, in the remote westernmost corner of the state, largely with the introduction of the painkiller OxyContin in 1996.

From there, the scourge not only advanced into new territories but also arrived via a different delivery system, as the morphine molecule shifted from OxyContin and other painkillers like Vicodin and Percocet to heroin, the pills’ illicit twin, and, later, even stronger synthetic analogs.

As the epidemic gained strength, it sent out new geographic shoots, moving from predominantly rural areas to urban and suburban settings, though the pattern was never stable or fixed. Heroin landed in the suburbs and cookie-cutter subdivisions near my home in Roanoke in the mid-2000s.

But it wasn’t widely acknowledged until a prominent jeweler and civic leader, Ginger Mumpower, drove her addicted son to the federal prison where he would spend the next five years, for his role in a former classmate’s overdose death.

I covered Spencer Mumpower’s transition from private-school student to federal inmate at the same time I witnessed the rise in overdose deaths spread north along I-81 from Roanoke.

It infected pristine farm pastures and small northern Shenandoah Valley towns, as more users, and increasingly vigilant medical and criminal justice systems, propelled the addicted onto the urban corridor from Baltimore to New York. If you live in a city, maybe you’ve seen

 

 

the public restroom with a sharps container, or witnessed a librarian administer Narcan.

While more and more Americans die of drug overdose, it is impossible to not look back at the early days of what we now recognize as an epidemic and wonder what might have been done to slow or stop it.

Kristi Fernandez’s questions are not hers alone. Until we understand how we reached this place, America will remain a country where getting addicted is far easier than securing treatment.

The worst drug epidemic in American history didn’t land in the bucolic northern Shenandoah Valley until 2012, when Ronnie Jones, a twice-convicted drug dealer from the Washington suburbs, arrived in the back of a Virginia Department of Corrections van and set about turning a handful of football players, tree trimmers, and farmers’ kids who used pills recreationally into hundreds of heroin addicts, as police officers told the story.

The transition here, in the quiet town of Woodstock, was driven by the same twisted math I’d witnessed elsewhere, as many users began with prescriptions, then resorted to buying heroin from dealers and selling portions of their supply to fuel their next purchase.

Because the most important thing for the morphine- hijacked brain is, always, not to experience the crushing physical and psychological pain of withdrawal: to avoid dopesickness at any cost.

To feed their addictions, many users recruit new customers. Who eventually recruit new customers. And the exponential growth continues until the cycle too often ends in jail or prison or worse—in a premature grave like Jesse’s adorned with teddy bears, R2-D2 action figures, and the parting words of mothers like Kristi engraved in granite: UNTIL I TAKE MY FINAL BREATH, YOU WILL LIVE IN MY HEART.

To reach Ronnie Jones, I head north on the nearest “heroin highway,” I-81. I travel roughly the same path in my car, only in reverse, that Jones’s drugs did by bus, his heroin camouflaged inside Pringle’s cans and plastic Walmart bags on the floor beside him or his hired drug runners.

On the suburban outskirts of Roanoke, I drive near the upper-middle-class subdivision of Hidden Valley, where a young woman I’ve been following for a year named Tess Henry was once a straight-A student and basketball star.

At the moment, she’s AWOL—her mother and I have no idea where she is—although sometimes we catch glimpses of her on our cellphones: a Facebook exchange between Tess and one of her heroin dealers, or a prostitution ad through which

 

 

Tess will fund her next fix. I pass Ginger’s Jewelry, the high-end store where parents of the addicted still

drive from two hours away simply because they can think of nowhere else to turn. They’ve read about Ginger’s imprisoned son in the newspaper, and they want to ask her how to handle the pitfalls of raising an addicted child.

Up the Shenandoah Valley on the interstate, I pass New Market and think not of the men who fought in the famous 1864 Civil War battle but of the women who grew poppies for the benefit of wounded soldiers, harvesting morphine from the dried juice inside the seed pods.

Three decades later, the German elixir peddlers at Bayer Laboratories would stock America’s drugstores with a brand- new version of that same molecule, a pill marketed as both a cough remedy and a cure for the nation’s soaring morphine epidemic, known as “morphinism,” or soldier’s disease. Its label looked like an amusement advertisement you might have seen on a circus poster, a word derived from the German for “heroic” and bracketed by a swirling ribbon frame: heroin.

It was sold widely from drugstore counters, no prescription necessary, not only for veterans but also for women with menstrual cramps and babies with hiccups.

Outside Woodstock, I pass George’s Chicken, the poultry-processing plant where Ronnie Jones first arrived to work in a Department of Corrections work- release program, clad in prison-issue khakis.

I pass the house nearby where a cop I know spent days, nights, and weekends crouched under a bedroom window, surveilling Jones and his co-workers from behind binoculars—a fraction of the man-hours the government invested in putting members of Jones’s heroin ring behind bars.

I head northwest toward West Virginia, the crumbling landscape like so many of the distressed towns I’ve already traversed in Virginia some four hundred miles south, down to the same HILLARY FOR PRISON signs and the same Confederate flags waving presciently from their posts.

At the prison, I park my car and walk through the heavy front door. A handler named Rachel ushers me through security, making cheerful small talk as we head deeper inside the concrete maze and through three different sets of locked doors, her massive cluster of keys reverberating like chimes at each checkpoint.

We pass through a recreation area, where several men—all but one of the prisoners black and brown, I can’t help noticing—push mops and brooms around the cavernous room, looking up and nodding as we pass. The manufactured air inside is cold, and it smells of Clorox.

Ronnie Jones is already waiting for me on the other side of the last locked door, seated at a table. He looks thinner and older than he did in his mug shot, his prison khakis baggy, his trim Afro and beard flecked with gray. He looks

 

 

tired, and the whites of his eyes are tinged with red. He rises from the chair to shake my hand, then sits back down, his hands

folded into a steeple, his elbows resting on the table between us. His mood is unreadable.

The glassed-in room is beige, the floors are beige, and so is Rachel, in her beige-and-blue uniform and no-nonsense shoes, the kind you could run in if you had to. She tells us to knock on the window if we need her, then leaves for her perch in the rec room, on the other side of the window, the door lock clicking decisively behind her.

I open my notebook, situate the questions I’ve prepared off to the side, next to my spare pens. I’m thinking of Kristi and Ginger and of Tess’s mom, and what Jones might say that will explain the fate of these mothers’ kids.

Jones leans forward, expectant and unsmiling, and rubs his hands together, as if we’re business associates sitting down to hammer out a deal.

Then he takes a deep breath and, relaxing back into his chair, he waits for me to start.